The Agrarian Question in the Russian Revolution: From Material Community to Productivism, and Back
Buried under almost a century of ideology, the “Russian question”, the historical meaning of the defeat of the Russian revolution, is the question that will not go away.
The Spanish Revolution, Past and Future: Grandeur and Poverty of Anarchism; How the Working Class Takes Over (or Doesn’t), Then and Now
The Spanish Revolution was, in light of this history, the richest and deepest social revolution of the 20th century.
Fictitious Capital and Contracted Social Reproduction Today; China and Permanent Revolution
Once again, capital requires, in order to survive as capital, a vast devalorization of all existing values, however great the destruction of human beings and means of production which that entails.
Notes Towards a Critique of Maoism
Maoism was part of a broader movement in the 20th century, of what might be called "bourgeois revolutions with red flags."
Globalization of Capital, Globalization of Struggle
Whatever else may happen from now on, a new historical period has opened up, and the decades in which the grinding post-1970’s crisis were borne in silence, or sporadic uprisings were defeated in isolation, are over.
The Sky Is Always Darkest Just Before the Dawn: Class Struggle in the U.S. from the 2008 Crash to the Eve Of the Occupations Movement
Since July of 2011, the mainstream media have been increasingly talking about a “double dip” “recession” in the U.S. But we can safely assert that for most working people, the “recession” has never ended, and is about to get worse.
Theses for Discussion
The following theses were circulated within the Insurgent Notes collective for discussion. They expand on the programmatic points sketched in brief a year ago.All Posts
Following the 2016 election of Donald Trump to commander-in-chief of U.S. imperialism, some 50,000 young people have flooded into the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), which had been a small holding action on the fringes of the American left, passing through the post-1960s decades of reaction in pursuit of the “left wing of the possible” […]
Marx and Marxism in Berkeley in 1968 (from Insurgent Notes, http://insurgentnotes, May 2018) Loren Goldner Berkeley (California) was probably a unique political-cultural milieu in the U.S. in the 1960s, both before and after 1968. It was part of the larger political-cultural scene of the San Francisco Bay Area from 1945 onward. The Bay Area at […]
Preface The three texts published here are transcripts of talks given in New York City in summer 2013. They focus on the German-Polish-Russian corridor in the years before, during and after the First World War. The boundaries in space and time are ultimately the Russian revolutions (March, November) of 1917 and the failed revolution in […]
Loren: My name is Loren and what we’re going to deal with today is Lenin and Luxemburg. This is a huge topic. Both of these people are great revolutionaries and there are libraries of books written about them. So in two hours, I’m going to try to sort of summarize what I think is really […]
Loren: I photocopied a little map of Russia. Unfortunately it’s from a book in French but I think you can figure it out, all the names are pretty much the same. I know some people probably are not so familiar with the geography that we are talking about. So here you have some kind of […]
Loren: I put translations of the most important initials of organizations (SPD, KPD, etc.) up on the board. As I talk, I’m generally going to use the initials, just so everybody knows what they refer to. I don’t know if we’re going to really get to the Nazi seizure of power. If we do, it […]
On the Extreme Margins of the Centennial of the October Revolution: The Legacy of 1917 We Can Affirm Loren Goldner The year 1917 is most closely associated with the Russian Revolution, but it is more important to locate that revolution in the global tidal wave of working-class struggle from 1917 to 1921 (continued up to […]
Dans les marges extrêmes du centenaire de la révolution d’Octobre: l’héritage de 1917 que nous pouvons revendiquer L’année 1917 est généralement associée étroitement à la Révolution russe, mais il me semble plus juste de la situer dans le raz-de-marée mondial des luttes de la classe ouvrière entre 1917 et 1921 (et jusqu’en 1927 en Chine), […]
En los márgenes extremos del centenario de la Revolución de Octubre: el legado de 1917 que podemos reivindicar Loren Goldner El año 1917 está muy estrechamente asociado a la Revolución Rusa, pero es más importante ubicar esa revolución en la ola mundial de luchas de la clase obrera que tuvo lugar de 1917 […]
An den äußersten Rändern des Jubiläums der Oktoberrevolution: Was bleibt für uns von 1917? Loren Goldner Bei 1917 denkt man vor allem an die Russische Revolution, aber diese fandf statt im Rahmen einer globalen Welle von Kämpfen der Arbeiterklasse von 1917 bis 1921 (in China bis 1927), die das Ende des ersten inter-imperialistischen Weltkriegs (1914-1918) […]
处于十月革命百年的最边缘 处于十月革命百年的最边缘：我们所能断言的1917年历史遗产 Loren Goldner 1917那年常让人联想到俄国革命，但更为重要的是将此一革命置于自1917年至1921年工人阶级的全球斗争浪潮（在中国则持续至1927年），该浪潮迫使自1914年至1918年的第一个帝国主义国家间的世界大战为之终止。 这波浪潮包括自1918年至1921年德国革命、自1919年至1920年意大利北部的工厂占领、于1919年在英国出现的全国罢工潮、1919年在匈牙利的革命，和自1919年至1920年在法国的罢工、和自1919年至1923年在西班牙的罢工，乃至于1919年在美国的罢工。 此类斗争延续并扩大战前美国的世界产业工人(IWW)所发动之风潮、及英格兰、爱尔兰、苏格兰自1908年至1914年的工联主义罢工潮，1914年在意大利的「红色周」，尤其是1905年至1907的俄国革命，在斗争中实际找出工人阶级，从而将工人委员会和最重要的苏维埃转化成历史议程，而凡此种种皆非理论家的产物。 以上所述仅只是欧洲和美国的浪潮。我们常忘了在1905年至1914年当时如同加剧革命的年代，这包括1906年的伊朗、自1910年至1920年的墨西哥、和1911年的中国，乃至于1909年在印度的一次起义。 该等在半殖民地与殖民地世界的斗争在第一次世界大战后仍持续，例如在1918年时爆发的日本米騒动，在中国骚动则长期持续，并于1925年至1927年达到高点，以及南非在1922年的（大有问题的）大罢工[1]，1922年时，一群左翼军官在巴西发动政变，斗争浪潮在土耳其则持续至1925年，[2]在伊朗建立的吉兰苏维埃(the Gilan soviet)共和国，乃至在阿富汗的左翼亲苏维埃政变。 我认为与Herman Gorter、Anton Pannekoek 和 Amadeo Bordiga等人物有关的左派共产主义者之德意志-荷兰变形和意大利变形，是诸多反抗和革命中最重要的历史遗产 前述二者变形的共同点是他们皆主张工人阶级在西方独立运作，并且不与拥有土地的农民结盟，此与在俄国造就双元革命(dual revolution)的工人农民联盟有别。俄国也有同意此一西方思潮者，例如以Gavril Myasnikov为首的工人团体。 （列宁(Vladimir Lenin)和托洛斯基(Leon Trotsky)两人虽是伟大的战略家，但他们的理论和惯常做法使得反革命有了起点，在此处评估列宁和托洛斯基的模糊角色只会不适切地使本篇短文长度加倍。） 在世界革命衰退时，左派共产主义思潮遭到俄国本位的第三国际长达数十年的霸权以及斯大林主义扩及世界的反革命所埋葬，其中最具象征者是1921年时克隆斯塔苏维埃(the Kronstadt soviet)遭到镇压。工人阶级至多只构成10%的俄国人口，而十月革命原非主戏，却于新纪元中成了独挑大梁的重头戏。 在众多思潮中，我必须加上罗莎．卢森堡(Rosa Luxemburg)的名字。 1919年1月Luxemburg遭杀害时还来不及定义 后1918年时与社会民主完全分道扬镳的观点。但她在1905年后就大规模罢工的书写，和她弃绝国族主义，乃至于她批判政治经济的二部著作，这些书写在今日仍与当年一般切中时弊。更遑论世界大战期间，她狱中书信所展现的卓越人道立场。 我难以苟同左派共产党（如Otto Rühle）宣称或其后宣称布尔什维克革命自第一天起就是个资产阶级革命。此一描述在1920年初期时逐步形成，1918年至1921年的俄国内战时，西方左派共产党炸毁替俄罗斯白军运送武器与弹药的火车。除了苏维埃短暂的掌权，1917该年代表了俄国农民公社大量扩张，直至1930年斯大林(Joseph Stalin)的集体化，该等公社掌控了俄国98%的领土。[3] 现在看来，前述这些名字和思潮至多如同存于琥珀的化石，他们犹如路标，在今日显示最好的德意志-荷兰左派和意大利共产党左派（Bordiga追隋者）二者间可能的合题(synthesis)。（这涉及了完全认知两个思潮的分歧。）这些元素中包括了苏维埃，如地区组织中的工人、失业和退休工人超越个别工作场域中存在的分工，（Bordiga对葛兰西 (Antonio Gramsci) 过于吹嘘的工厂委员会的批判）；工人委员会不过是苏维埃的附属物；描述1917年俄国「双元革命」的理论，和坚持工人阶级在政治上独立于任何的「跨阶级」联盟。 我也较为倾向Bordiga对苏联「过渡至资本主义」（及其衍生物，如现今中国和越南）的描述。 这避免了不容置辩和就我看来较轻率的「国家资本主义」的名称，同时也去除了托洛斯基者所称的「工人国家」概念 就以上所述，我们并无一条延续正统的连贯主线以供现今参照，我们有的仅是大纲。新的国际合题仍在进行，这也是其中贡献。 1917年巨变后的百年 2017年时，从特朗普(Donald Trump)、普京(Vladimir Putin) 、习近平、杜特蒂(Rodrigo Duterte)、莫迪(Narendra Modi) 、埃尔多安(Recep Tayyip Erdoğan)、阿萨德(Bashar al-Assad)、纳坦雅胡(Benjamin Netanyahu)之流的世界，谈论紧接在后工人阶级兴起的世界，或许看似很「不当代」。 然而，要改变如此的沉默，我们只须审视亚洲每年急剧增加的「事件」（如「抗争」），（在2016年时达到15万件）其中包括数以千计的罢工，中国尤为如此，越南在过去10年曾发生3至4次的大罢工，在柬埔寨，罢工接踵而来[4]；在孟加拉国，女姓占绝大多数的纺织厂和制衣出口部门中，罢工和骚乱层出不穷，印度则有发生于马鲁蒂铃木公司(Maruti Suzuki)的罢工[5]。 我们的任务是在此找寻「不变」，自1848年以来，每次革命风潮皆迫使属于雇佣劳动的无产阶级寻求和运用新的斗争方式。若今日的世界是由资本积累所主导，雇佣劳动则是其「沉郁的阴暗面」 […]
處於十月革命百年的最邊緣 處於十月革命百年的最邊緣：我們所能斷言的1917年歷史遺産 Loren Goldner 1917那年常讓人聯想到俄國革命，但更為重要的是將此一革命置於自1917年至1921年工人階級的全球鬥爭浪潮（在中國則持續至1927年），該浪潮迫使自1914年至1918年的第一個帝國主義國家間的世界大戰為之終止。 這波浪潮包括自1918年至1921年德國革命、自1919年至1920年義大利北部的工廠占領、於1919年在英國出現的全國罷工潮、1919年在匈牙利的革命，和自1919年至1920年在法國的罷工、和自1919年至1923年在西班牙的罷工，乃至於1919年在美國的罷工。 此類鬥爭延續並擴大戰前美國的世界產業工人(IWW)所發動之風潮、及英格蘭、愛爾蘭、蘇格蘭自1908年至1914年的工聯主義罷工潮，1914年在義大利的「紅色週」，尤其是1905年至1907的俄國革命，在鬥爭中實際找出工人階級，從而將工人委員會和最重要的蘇維埃轉化成歷史議程，而凡此種種皆非理論家的產物。 以上所述僅只是歐洲和美國的浪潮。我們常忘了在1905年至1914年當時如同加劇革命的年代，這包括1906年的伊朗、自1910年至1920年的墨西哥、和1911年的中國，乃至於1909年在印度的一次起義。 該等在半殖民地與殖民地世界的鬥爭在第一次世界大戰後仍持續，例如在1918年時爆發的日本米騒動，在中國騷動則長期持續，並於1925年至1927年達到高點，以及南非在1922年的（大有問題的）大罷工[1]，1922年時，一群左翼軍官在巴西發動政變，鬥爭浪潮在土耳其則持續至1925年，[2]在伊朗建立的吉蘭蘇維埃(the Gilan soviet)共和國，乃至在阿富汗的左翼親蘇維埃政變。 我認為與Herman Gorter、Anton Pannekoek 和 Amadeo Bordiga等人物有關的左派共產主義者之德意志-荷蘭變形和義大利變形，是諸多反抗和革命中最重要的歷史遺產 前述二者變形的共同點是他們皆主張工人階級在西方獨立運作，並且不與擁有土地的農民結盟，此與在俄國造就雙元革命(dual revolution)的工人農民聯盟有別。俄國也有同意此一西方思潮者，例如以Gavril Myasnikov為首的工人團體。 （列寧(Vladimir Lenin)和托洛斯基(Leon Trotsky)兩人雖是偉大的戰略家，但他們的理論和慣常做法使得反革命有了起點，在此處評估列寧和托洛斯基的模糊角色只會不適切地使本篇短文長度加倍。） 在世界革命衰退時，左派共產主義思潮遭到俄國本位的第三國際長達數十年的霸權以及史達林主義擴及世界的反革命所埋葬，其中最具象徵者是1921年時克隆斯塔蘇維埃(the Kronstadt soviet)遭到鎮壓。工人階級至多只構成10%的俄國人口，而十月革命原非主戲，卻於新紀元中成了獨挑大梁的重頭戲。 在眾多思潮中，我必須加上羅莎．盧森堡(Rosa Luxemburg)的名字。 1919年1月Luxemburg遭殺害時還來不及定義 後1918年時與社會民主完全分道揚鑣的觀點。但她在1905年後就大規模罷工的書寫，和她棄絕國族主義，乃至於她批判政治經濟的二部著作，這些書寫在今日仍與當年一般切中時弊。更遑論世界大戰期間，她獄中書信所展現的卓越人道立場。 我難以苟同左派共產黨（如Otto Rühle）宣稱或其後宣稱布爾什維克革命自第一天起就是個資產階級革命。此一描述在1920年初期時逐步形成，1918年至1921年的俄國內戰時，西方左派共產黨炸毀替俄羅斯白軍運送武器與彈藥的火車。除了蘇維埃短暫的掌權，1917該年代表了俄國農民公社大量擴張，直至1930年史達林(Joseph Stalin)的集體化，該等公社掌控了俄國98%的領土。[3] 現在看來，前述這些名字和思潮至多如同存於琥珀的化石，他們猶如路標，在今日顯示最好的德意志-荷蘭左派和義大利共產黨左派（Bordiga追隋者）二者間可能的合題(synthesis)。（這涉及了完全認知兩個思潮的分歧。）這些元素中包括了蘇維埃，如地區組織中的工人、失業和退休工人超越個別工作場域中存在的分工，（Bordiga對葛蘭西 (Antonio Gramsci) 過於吹噓的工廠委員會的批判）；工人委員會不過是蘇維埃的附屬物；描述1917年俄國「雙元革命」的理論，和堅持工人階級在政治上獨立於任何的「跨階級」聯盟。 我也較為傾向Bordiga對蘇聯「過渡至資本主義」（及其衍生物，如現今中國和越南）的描述。 這避免了不容置辯和就我看來較輕率的「國家資本主義」的名稱，同時也去除了托洛斯基者所稱的「工人國家」概念 就以上所述，我們並無一條延續正統的連貫主線以供現今參照，我們有的僅是大綱。新的國際合題仍在進行，這也是其中貢獻。 1917年鉅變後的百年 2017年時，從川普(Donald Trump)、普亭(Vladimir Putin) 、習近平、杜特蒂(Rodrigo Duterte)、莫迪(Narendra Modi) 、艾爾多安(Recep Tayyip Erdoğan)、阿薩德(Bashar al-Assad)、納坦雅胡(Benjamin Netanyahu)之流的世界，談論緊接在後工人階級興起的世界，或許看似很「不當代」。 然而，要改變如此的沉默，我們只須審視亞洲每年急劇增加的「事件」（如「抗爭」），（在2016年時達到15萬件）其中包括數以千計的罷工，中國尤為如此，越南在過去10年曾發生3至4次的大罷工，在柬埔寨，罷工接踵而來[4]；在孟加拉，女姓占絕大多數的紡織廠和製衣出口部門中，罷工和騷亂層出不窮，印度則有發生於馬魯蒂鈴木公司(Maruti Suzuki)的罷工[5]。 我們的任務是在此找尋「不變」，自1848年以來，每次革命風潮皆迫使屬於僱傭勞動的無產階級尋求和運用新的鬥爭方式。若今日的世界是由資本積累所主導，僱傭勞動則是其「沉鬱的陰暗面」 […]
10월 혁명 100주년의 끝자락에서―우리가 지지할 만한 1917년의 유산 러시아 혁명과 가장 긴밀하게 연관된 해는 1917년이다. 하지만 이 혁명을 최초의 제국주의 간 세계대전(1914-18)을 종결시킨 1917년부터 1921년까지의 노동자계급 투쟁이라는 세계적 격 랑 속에 위치시키는 것이 더 중요하다. 이 격랑은 독일 혁명(1918-21), 북부 이태리의 공장 점거(1919-20), 1919년 영국의 전국적 파 업 물결, 헝가리 혁명(1919), 그리고 1919-20년 프랑스, 1919년부터 […]
di Loren Goldner * Generalmente l’anno 1917 è associato strettamente alla Rivoluzione Russa, ma a me sembra più giusto collocarlo nel vasto sommovimento mondiale delle lotte delle classe operaia che, tra il 1917 e il 1921 (e in Cina fino al 1927), pose termine alla prima guerra mondiale inter-imperialista (1914-1918). Quell’ampia lotta incluse la […]
Лорен Голднер C русской революцией чаще всего ассоциируется 1917 год, но гораздо важнее определить, какое место эта революция занимала в общемировой приливной волне борьбы рабочего класса с 1917 по 1921 год (в Китае продолжавшейся до 1927 года), ускорившей окончание первой межимпериалистической мировой войны (1914-1918). Эта приливная волна включала германскую революцию (1918-1921), захваты фабрик […]
US-China Relations in the Era of Trump Loren Goldner (The following purports to be, not so much an article, but more an outline of major themes or theses presented at the June 24-25 2017 International Worker Activists conference in Seoul. ) 1. U.S. policymakers often discuss,as an analogy to the current situation of US- China […]
Le relazioni USA-Cina nell’era Trump Di Loren Goldner (Quello che segue vuole essere, non tanto un articolo, quanto piuttosto un contorno dei grandi temi o tesi presentate alla Conferenza internazionale del 24-25 giugno 2017 dei lavoratori attivisti a Seoul). I politologi statunitensi spesso discutono, in analogia con la situazione attuale dei rapporti Stati Uniti – […]
트럼프이후 미국 정치상황과 동북아 정세 – 로렌 골드너(미국 활동가) 미국의 정책 입안자들은 미중관계의 현 상황을 빈번히 “투키디데스의 덫”6)에 비유 하여 논의한다. 그러나 나는 미국과 중국이 직접 대항하는 전쟁의 위험이 크다고 느끼지 않는다. 중단기적으로 냉전시대 동안의 소련과 미국의 경우처럼 “대리전” (한국, 베트남, 아프가니스탄)을 볼 수 있다고 생각합니다. 중국과 미국은 모두는 필요할 때 민족주의 정서를 불러일으키는 데에는 […]
(Wat volgt is niet zozeer een artikel, maar een overzicht van belangrijke thema’s of stellingen die 24-25 juni 2017 werden gepresenteerd op de International Worker Activists conferentie in Seoul.) 1. Amerikaanse beleidsmakers bediscussiëren vaak de huidige situatie van Amerikaans-Chinese betrekkingen in een analogie met de “Thucydides val”, waarin een nieuw opkomende macht, het oude Athene, […]
(Folgendes ist nicht so sehr als ein Artikel gemeint, sondern mehr eine Skizze der wichtigsten Themen oder Thesen, die auf der International Worker Activists Konferenz 24-25 Juni 2017 in Seoul vorgestellt wurden.) 1. U.S.-Politiker diskutieren oft in einer Analogie die aktuellen Situation der US- Chinesischen Beziehungen, die “Thukydides-Falle”, nach der eine neu aufsteigende Macht, das […]
Loren Goldner Let’s begin with the purely electoral aspect of Trump’s victory in November. He lost the popular vote by 65 million to 62 million, but that didn’t matter because he won the archaic Electoral College by 304 to 227. The Electoral College was established in the late 18th century to ensure that small (mainly […]
Book Review: Joshua Kurlantzick A Great Place to Have a War America in Laos and the Birth of a Military CIA New York, 2016 Loren Goldner by Loren Goldner Few people in America today know where the small (population 7 million) Asian country Laos is. Far fewer still knew in the 1960’s and early 1970’s, […]
Book Review David Bandurski Dragons in Diamond Village: Tales of Resistance in Urbanizing China (Melvile House 2016) Loren Goldner In 2030, one billion Chinese will live in cities, two-thirds of the total population, or one of every eight people on the planet. At the time of the Chinese Revolution in 1949, 80% of the 400 […]
美 트럼프 집권의 계급적 문제와 전망 미국의 현 상황에 대해 로렌 골드너(Loren Goldner) 2017.03.02 20:57 [편집자 주] 미국 진보성향의 웹진 <반란자의 기록(Insurgent Notes)> 편집자 로렌 골드너가 <참세상>에 지난 미국 대선 이후의 미국 정세에 관한 글을 보내왔다. 트럼프 승리와 집권의 계급적 문제를 파헤친 그의 분석과 전망을 번역해 싣는다. 지난해 11월 미국 대선에서 트럼프가 거둔 승리의 순전히 […]
QUALCHE RIFLESSIONE SUGLI STATI UNITI Loren Goldner TANTO PER COMINCIARE, è bene precisare che l’elezione di Trump è avvenuta nono- stante, in novembre, il voto popolare si fosse espresso a suo svantaggio: 62 contro 65 mi- lioni di voti. La sua vittoria è stata resa possibile grazie all’antiquato Collegio Elettorale per 304 voti contro 227. […]
(The following appeared as the editorial in Insurgent Notes No. 14, shortly after the November 2016 election of Donald Trump as president of the United States.) insurgentnotes.com Donald Trump will be the next president. What was unthinkable has become all too real. We anticipated as much in the editorial in our last issue, which we […]
Ο Ντόναλντ Τραμπ θα είναι ο επόμενος πρόεδρος των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών. Αυτό που φαινόταν αδιανόητο κατέστη εντελώς πραγματικό. Είναι ό,τι ακριβώς προβλέψαμε στο κύριο άρθρο του τελευταίου τεύχους του περιοδικού μας[1], το οποίο προτρέπουμε τους αναγνώστες μας να το διαβάσουν. Η Χίλαρυ Κλίντον κατόρθωσε να κερδίσει την λαϊκή ψήφο με διαφορά πλέον των 2 εκατομμυρίων […]
Cet éditorial prémonitoire (http://insurgentnotes.com/2016/10/editorial-president-trump/ ) est paru dans la revue électronique marxiste américaine Insurgent Notes le 9 octobre 2016 donc un mois AVANT l’élection américaine. (Ni patrie ni frontières). * Trump président ? Cela pourrait arriver. Celui qui semblait, il y a encore un an, être un candidat risible apparaît aujourd’hui comme un gagnant plausible dans […]
Da Insurgent Notes, No. 13, ottobre 2016 Issue 14 TRUMP PRESIDENTE? UNA SCENEGGIATA AMERICANA CON ANTEPRIMA ITALIANA L’articolo di Loren Goldner (di Insurgentes Notes) ci propone per gli Stati Uniti un interessante scenario poli- tico. Uno scenario che, in Italia, abbiamo già visto 25 anni fa, con la Lega di Bossi e con Forza Italia […]
(This article appeared as the editorial in Insurgent Notes No. 13, October 2016) Issue 14 President Trump? It just might happen. What seemed, a year ago, like a laughingstock candidacy is now a plausible winner in the wildest political year (and there is still the forthcoming “October surprise”) since 1968. No matter what happens, the […]
Book Review: Beth Macy. Factory Man. How One Furniture Maker Battled Offshoring, Stayed Local—and Helped Save an American Town. Little, Brown 2014. Should I hate people for the shade of their skin Or the shape of their eyes or the shape I’m in. Should I hate ‘em for having our jobs today No I […]
(This article appeared as the editorial of Insurgent Notes No. 12) (http://insurgentnotes.com) U.S. Party Elites Hemorrhage at the Edges Insurgent Notes has no use for electoral politics per se. They are useful mainly to take the temperature of society, primarily with “our party”, the majority party of non-voters. But American party politics have been dominated […]
និក្ខេបបទ ១. របបដែលបង្កើតឡើងដោយបក្សកុម្មុយនិស្តចិនក្នុងឆ្នាំ ១៩៤៩ មិនមែនជា “រដ្ឋមូលធននិយម” ហើយក៏មិនមែនជា “រដ្ឋពលករ” ទាំងស្រុងនោះដែរ។ វាដូចជាសហភាពសូវៀត និងអ៊ឺរ៉ុបខាងកើតក្រោយឆ្នាំ ១៩៤៥ ដែលជា “ការផ្លាស់ប្តូរទៅជាមូលធននិយម” រឺ “បដិវត្តន៏វណ្ណះអភិជនជាមួយទង់ក្រហម” ដែលការរៀបចំមួយសម្រាប់ការចូលពេញលេញទៅក្នុងទីផ្សារពិភពលោកនៅពេលដែលកាលៈទេសៈអនុញ្ញាត ឬតម្រូវឱ្យមាន។ គំរូស្ដាលីននិយមដែលបានទទួលយកពីសហភាពសូវៀត បាននាំមកនូវការបិទទ្វាសេដ្ឋកិច្ច ការរៀបចំផែនការបច្ចេកទេសទ្រព្យសម្បត្តិរបស់រដ្ឋ ការត្រួតពិនិត្យលើការដោះដូរទំនិញបរទេសនិងរូបិយប័ណ្ណ និងការត្រួតពិនិត្យយ៉ាងតឹងរឹងលើចលនារបស់ប្រជាជនពីជនបទ (ដែលមានអត្រា ៨០% នៅដើមដំបូង) ឆ្ពោះទៅទីក្រុង ។ ការត្រួតពិនិត្យទាំងនេះសម្ដៅលើការបង្ក្រាបការប្រព្រឺត្តិនៃច្បាប់មូលធននិយម ទាំងនៅខាងក្រៅឆ្ពោះទៅរកទីផ្សារពិភពលោក និងនៅខាងក្នុងប្រទេសដូចជាភាពអនាធិបតេយ្យនៃការប្រកួតប្រជែងក្នុងចំណោមក្រុមហ៊ុនដែលកំពុងធ្វើប្រតិបត្តិការនៅក្នុងសេដ្ឋកិច្ចទីផ្សារងងឺត (ដូចនៅសហភាពសូវៀត)។ រីឯថ្នាក់មូលធននិយមដែលកំពុងងើបឡើងគឺស្ថិតនៅក្នុង “អន្លង់” នៃការិយាធិបតេយ្យរដ្ឋ។ ការត្រួតពិនិត្យទាំងនេះបានព្យាយាមគាបសង្កត់លើបញ្ហាដ៏ច្រើន ប៉ុន្តែចុងបញ្ចប់បញ្ហាទាំងអស់នោះនៅតែផ្ទុះឡើងដដែល។ ២. ចាប់តាំងពីឆ្នាំ ១៩៧៨ ការវិវត្តន៍ឆ្ពោះទៅរក “ទីផ្សារសង្គមនិយមដែលមានចរិតលក្ខណៈបែបចិន” មានន័យថា ការផ្ទុះចេញនូវបញ្ហាបន្តិចម្តងៗ បានអនុញ្ញាតឱ្យទិដ្ឋភាពនៃការឃាំងបំបិតនៃមូលធននិយមលេចឡើងកាន់តែខ្លាំង។ អ្វីដែលនៅសល់ពីឧបសគ្គចាស់គឺភាពផ្ដាច់មុខនៃការដោះដូរទំនិញបរទេសនិងរូបិយប័ណ្ណ ការត្រួតត្រារបស់រដ្ឋលើការវិនិយោគបរទេស និងវិស័យរដ្ឋសំខាន់ៗទាំងនៅក្នុងធនាគារ និងក្រុមហ៊ុន ក៏ដូចជាការបន្តរឹតបន្តឹងលើចលនារបស់ប្រជាជនពីតំបន់ជនបទទៅកាន់ទីក្រុង។ ៣. ការបើកចំហរបស់ចិនទៅលោកខាងលិច ចំពោះពាណិជ្ជកម្មនិងការវិនិយោគ បានបម្រើផលប្រយោជន៍ទាំងចិន និងមូលធននិយមលោកខាងលិច។ […]
និក្ខេបបទ ១. របបដែលបង្កើតឡើងដោយបក្សកុម្មុយនិស្តចិនក្នុងឆ្នាំ ១៩៤៩ មិនមែនជា “រដ្ឋមូលធននិយម” ហើយក៏មិនមែនជា “រដ្ឋពលករ” ទាំងស្រុងនោះដែរ។ វាដូចជាសហភាពសូវៀត និងអ៊ឺរ៉ុបខាងកើតក្រោយឆ្នាំ ១៩៤៥ ដែលជា “ការផ្លាស់ប្តូរទៅជាមូលធននិយម” រឺ “បដិវត្តន៏វណ្ណះអភិជនជាមួយទង់ក្រហម” ដែលការរៀបចំមួយសម្រាប់ការចូលពេញលេញទៅក្នុងទីផ្សារពិភពលោកនៅពេលដែលកាលៈទេសៈអនុញ្ញាត ឬតម្រូវឱ្យមាន។ គំរូស្ដាលីននិយមដែលបានទទួលយកពីសហភាពសូវៀត បាននាំមកនូវការបិទទ្វាសេដ្ឋកិច្ច ការរៀបចំផែនការបច្ចេកទេសទ្រព្យសម្បត្តិរបស់រដ្ឋ ការត្រួតពិនិត្យលើការដោះដូរទំនិញបរទេសនិងរូបិយប័ណ្ណ និងការត្រួតពិនិត្យយ៉ាងតឹងរឹងលើចលនារបស់ប្រជាជនពីជនបទ (ដែលមានអត្រា ៨០% នៅដើមដំបូង) ឆ្ពោះទៅទីក្រុង ។ ការត្រួតពិនិត្យទាំងនេះសម្ដៅលើការបង្ក្រាបការប្រព្រឺត្តិនៃច្បាប់មូលធននិយម ទាំងនៅខាងក្រៅឆ្ពោះទៅរកទីផ្សារពិភពលោក និងនៅខាងក្នុងប្រទេសដូចជាភាពអនាធិបតេយ្យនៃការប្រកួតប្រជែងក្នុងចំណោមក្រុមហ៊ុនដែលកំពុងធ្វើប្រតិបត្តិការនៅក្នុងសេដ្ឋកិច្ចទីផ្សារងងឺត (ដូចនៅសហភាពសូវៀត)។ រីឯថ្នាក់មូលធននិយមដែលកំពុងងើបឡើងគឺស្ថិតនៅក្នុង “អន្លង់” នៃការិយាធិបតេយ្យរដ្ឋ។ ការត្រួតពិនិត្យទាំងនេះបានព្យាយាមគាបសង្កត់លើបញ្ហាដ៏ច្រើន ប៉ុន្តែចុងបញ្ចប់បញ្ហាទាំងអស់នោះនៅតែផ្ទុះឡើងដដែល។ ២. ចាប់តាំងពីឆ្នាំ ១៩៧៨ ការវិវត្តន៍ឆ្ពោះទៅរក “ទីផ្សារសង្គមនិយមដែលមានចរិតលក្ខណៈបែបចិន” មានន័យថា ការផ្ទុះចេញនូវបញ្ហាបន្តិចម្តងៗ បានអនុញ្ញាតឱ្យទិដ្ឋភាពនៃការឃាំងបំបិតនៃមូលធននិយមលេចឡើងកាន់តែខ្លាំង។ អ្វីដែលនៅសល់ពីឧបសគ្គចាស់គឺភាពផ្ដាច់មុខនៃការដោះដូរទំនិញបរទេសនិងរូបិយប័ណ្ណ ការត្រួតត្រារបស់រដ្ឋលើការវិនិយោគបរទេស និងវិស័យរដ្ឋសំខាន់ៗទាំងនៅក្នុងធនាគារ និងក្រុមហ៊ុន ក៏ដូចជាការបន្តរឹតបន្តឹងលើចលនារបស់ប្រជាជនពីតំបន់ជនបទទៅកាន់ទីក្រុង។ ៣. ការបើកចំហរបស់ចិនទៅលោកខាងលិច ចំពោះពាណិជ្ជកម្មនិងការវិនិយោគ បានបម្រើផលប្រយោជន៍ទាំងចិន និងមូលធននិយមលោកខាងលិច។ […]
1949年由中国共产党所建立的政权并不是一种「国家资本主义」，更不是一个「工人国家」。如同苏联以及它在1945年之后的东欧附属国一样，这个政权是一个「朝向资本主义的过渡阶段」、一个「打着红旗的资产阶级革命」，是为了能够全面进入世界市场所作的准备，当情况允许或者需要的时候。这种从苏联移植过来的斯大林模式，包含了封闭的经济体、国有财产、技术官僚的规划、国家控制对外贸易与货币、以及对于农村人口（一开始占全国人口的百分之八十）往城市移动的严格控制。这些控制就如同「玩偶盒」（jack in the box）一样，目的在于压制资本主义价值规律的运作，既对外部的世界市场、亦对内部企业之间竞争的「无政府」状态；而这种企业竞争，如同在苏联一样，主要在地下经济中运作。浮现中的资产阶级就在国家官僚体制的「缝隙」中生存着。
Chế độ do Đảng Cộng sản Trung Quốc thành lập năm 1949 không phải là “chủ nghĩa tư bản nhà nước” mà hơn là “nhà nước của công nhân”. Nó, như Liên Xô và cách châm biếm của phương Tây châu Âu sau năm 1945, một ” cuộc cách mạng tư sản cờ đỏ”, một […]
Những điều sau đây Chế độ do Đảng Cộng sản Trung Quốc thành lập năm 1949 không phải là “chủ nghĩa tư bản nhà nước” mà hơn là “nhà nước của công nhân”. Nó, như Liên Xô và cách châm biếm của phương Tây châu Âu sau năm 1945, một ” cuộc cách mạng tư […]
Struggles in Logistics in Italy (The following sketch is based on conversations in October 2015 with militants in and around the small Italian union SI Cobas (Sindicato Interprofessionale/Comites di Base), which has carried out and won militant strikes over the past few years with mainly immigrant logistics and warehouse workers.) Loren Goldner December 2015 lrgoldner@yahoo.com […]
Loren Goldner The Chinese Working Class in the Global Capitalist Crisis: Revolutionary Mass Strike or a New Bureaucratic Containment? Theses 1. The regime founded by the Chinese Communist Party in 1949 was not “state capitalism”, and still less a “workers’ state”. It was, like the Soviet Union and its post-1945 eastern European satraps, a “transition […]
Die chinesische Arbeiterklasse in der Weltwirtschaftskrise: Revolutionäre Massenstreik oder die bureaukratische Integration? Thesen zum Klassenkampf in China Loren Goldner 1. Das Regime, das die Kommunistische Partei Chinas 1949 gründete, war kein »Staatskapitalismus« und noch weniger ein »Arbeiterstaat«. Es war, ebenso wie die Sowjetunion und deren osteuropäische Statthalterstaaten nach 1945, ein »Übergang zum Kapitalismus«, »eine bürgerliche […]
door Loren Goldner Stellingen 1. Het regime dat in 1949 door de Chinese Communistische Partij in 1949 werd ingesteld, was geen ‘staatskapitalisme’, en nog minder een ‘arbeidersstaat. Het was, net als de Sovjet-Unie, en na 1945 haar Oost-Europese satellieten, een ‘overgang naar het kapitalisme’, een ‘burgerlijke revolutie met rode vlaggen’, een voorbereiding op volledige toetreding […]
Ferguson and After: Where Is This Movement Going? (This article was the editorial of Insurgent Notes No. 11, January 2015.) The movement that has erupted after non-indictments of the cop killers of Mike Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, and of Eric Garner in New York City, one further fed by relentless continued police killings of black […]
For an academic work, this is a quite good, fact-packed but flawed book about one militant strike in the U.S., the Detroit newspaper strike of 1995-2000, which took place during a generally bleak decade for class struggle.
This book portrays more vividly than most the take-no-prisoners barbarism of which the American capitalist class and its military are capable.
Loren Goldner, 2. Juli 2014 »Fährt Rußland fort, den Weg zu verfolgen, den es seit 1861 eingeschlagen hat, so wird es die schönste Chance verlieren, die die Geschichte jemals einem Volk dargeboten hat, um dafür alle verhängnisvollen Wechselfälle des kapitalistischen Systems durchzumachen.« (Karl Marx, Brief an die Redaktion der Otetschestwennyje Sapiski, November 1877; MEW 19, […]
로렌 골드너 “만약 러시아가 1861년 이래 취한 길을 따른다면, 역사가 한 민족에게 제시하고 있는 자본주의 체제의 그 모든 불행한 선택지들을 뛰어넘을 가장 큰 기회를 잃어버릴 것이다. 다른 모든 나라들과 마찬가지로 이 나라는 그 체제 의 냉혹한 법칙에 종속될 수밖에 없을 것이다.”(마르크스, <아테체스트벤니예 자피스키 (조국의 기록)>의 편집자에 게 보낸 편지, 1877) “사회주의는 자본론의 페이지들과… 변증법의 언어가 […]
러시아 혁명에서 농업 문제 물질적 공동체에서 생산주의로, 그리고 퇴행으로 로렌 골드너 “만약 러시아가 1861년 이래 취한 길을 따른다면, 역사가 한 민족에게 제시하고 있는 자본주의 체제의 그 모든 불행한 선택지들을 뛰어넘을 가장 큰 기회를 잃어버릴 것이다. 다른 모든 나라들과 마찬가지로 이 나라는 그 체제 의 냉혹한 법칙에 종속될 수밖에 없을 것이다.”(마르크스, <아테체스트벤니예 자피스키 (조국의 기록)>의 편집자에 […]
La question agraire dans la Révolution Russe: un aller-retour de la communauté matérielle au productivisme. « Si la Russie continue sur le chemin qu’elle a emprunté en 1861, elle perdra la plus belle occasion que l’histoire ait jamais offerte à un peuple, pour se soumettre ainsi à toutes les vicissitudes funestes du système capitaliste […]. Elle […]
Εισαγωγή: Γιατί ασχολούμαστε την σήμερον ημέραν με την Ισπανική Επανάσταση; «ο αναρχισμός και ο επαναστατικός συνδικαλισμός στερούνται γενικώς μιας ευρείας αντίληψης των προβλημάτων πολιτικού προσανατολισμού, χωρίς την οποία ακόμη και το πιο ισχυρό και το πιο ηρωικό επαναστατικό κύμα είναι καταδικασμένο σε αποτυχία». Χέλμουτ Ρέντιγκερ, AIT, «Κριτικό δοκίμιο για την ισπανική επανάσταση» (1940) Επί πολλά […]
ΣΗΜΕΙΩΣΕΙΣ 1 Helmut Rüdiger, Ensayo crítico sobre la revolución española. O Χέλμουτ Ρέντιγκερ ήταν Γερμανός αναρχοσυνδικαλιστής ο οποίος εσυνδέετο με την AIT (Διεθνής Σύνδεσμος Εργατών – Asociación Internacional de Trabajadores) και έδρασε στην Ισπανία από το 1933 έως το 1939. 2 Partido Obrero de Unificación Marxista (Εργατικό Κόμμα Μαρξιστικής Ενοποίησης), το οποίο οι σταλινικοί και […]
Part Three of an ongoing NYC lecture and discussion series with left communist intellectual Loren Goldner.
Part Two of an ongoing NYC lecture and discussion series by left communist intellectual Loren Goldner.
Part One of an ongoing NYC lecture and discussion series by left communist intellectual Loren Goldner.
La Revolución Española fue, a la luz de esta historia, la revolución social más rica y profunda del siglo XX.
Putting these two books back-to-back, we arrive at a rather thorough picture of British working-class history since World War II, and particularly since the coming of Margaret Thatcher and the “neo-liberal” era in 1979.
The movement had “two souls”, one increasingly focused on Chavez’s strategy of boycotts and outside political influence, the other growing from the rank-and-file militancy of the farm workers themselves.
마오주의 비판을 위한 노트 독자들에게 알림 : 이 글은 서부해안에 있는 어떤 동지의 요청으로 쓰게 된 것이 다. 그는 2012년 8월 시애틀에서 열린 “모두에게 모든 것을” 컨퍼런스에 참여했 다. 거기에는 “연성 마오주의” 카사마(Kasama) 경향의 성원들이 다수 참가했다. 이 글은 마오주의 역사에 관한 핵심만을 담고 있으며, 온전한 “좌익 공산주의” 관 점을 도출하지는 않는다. 예민한 문제들도 빠져 […]
Maoïsme est une variante du stalinisme.[1] La première phase de cette défaite, qui concerne Mao et la Chine, a eu lieu dans les années 1925–1927, au cours de laquelle la classe ouvrière chinoise petite mais très stratégiquement située a été plus en plus radicalisée dans une vague de grèves. Cette défaite a fermé la […]
Tradução: José Carlos Mendonça REFERENCIA: GOLDNER, Loren. Notes Towards a Critique of Maoism. Insurgent Notes N. 7, October 2012. Disponível em: http://insurgentnotes.com/2012/10/notes-towards-a-critique-of-maoism/ Acesso em: 2 mai 2014. Cotejada com a versão disponível em: http://bthp23.com/Maoism.pdf Acesso em: 2 mai 2014. Nota ao leitor: O texto abaixo foi escrito a pedido de um camarada […]
Ancora una volta, come nel 1914, il capitale richiede, per poter sopravvivere come capitale, una vasta svalorizzazione di tutti i valori esistenti, nonostante la grande distruzione di esseri umani e mezzi di produzione che ciò comporta.
和1914年时一样，为了作为资本而继续存在，资本再次要求对所有现存价值进行贬值，不管这对人类以及生产资料造成多大的毁灭。
This is one of the few books published since 1991 on the “Russian question” that will compel people long wedded to different characterizations of the post-1917 or post-1929 Soviet regime to think through their commitments.
PDF available for download.
Qualsiasi altra cosa possa accadere da ora, un nuovo periodo storico si è aperto e i decenni nei quali le crisi nere post 1970 nacquero nel silenzio o le sporadiche sollevazioni furono sconfitte nell’isolamento sono finiti.
La invención occidental de la idea de raza durante el siglo XVII, a comienzos de la Ilustración, no supuso solo la degradación de los pueblos de color a los que se aplicó.
Discussion of various contemporary struggles with imperialism.
PDF available for download.
PDF available for download.
PDF available for download.
Doch eines ist sicher: Für die meisten ArbeiterInnen in den USA hat die „Rezession“ nie geendet, und sie verschärft sich weiter.
Důvodem, proč je ona historická část velmi důležitá, je významnost rasové otázky při formování americké dělnické třídy.
Hay una historia en gran parte olvidada de populistas reaccionarios y de movimientos “anti-imperialistas” en el mundo subdesarrollado que son perfectamente capaces de mobilizar a la clase obrera para lograr sus objetivos.
There is a largely forgotten history of reactionary populist and “anti-imperialist” movements in the underdeveloped world, that do not shrink from mobilizing the working class to achieve their goals.
Le moment historique qui nous a produits Révolution globale ou recomposition du capital ? 1789 1848 1871 1905 1917 1968 20?? Dispersion et regroupement dans l’histoire de la classe ouvrière à l’ère capitaliste Les années 1917-1921 constituèrent le premier assaut mondial de la classe ouvrière révolutionnaire contre le capitalisme, avec un […]
بُرهه تاریخ ِی مولود ما: انقلاب جهانی یا تجدید آرایش سرمایه؟ ??1789 1848 1871 1905 1917 1968 20 نوشته: لورن گلدنر (24 ژوئن 2010) ترجمه: رامین جوان چند نکتهی توضیحی از سوی مترجم بهجای پیشدرآمد 1ـ گرچه ترجمهی این جستار بهمعنی تأیید همهجانبهی آن نیست؛ اما مطالعهی آن براساس یک نگرهی انتقادی و انقلابی میتواند […]
Writer and activist Loren Goldner contextualizes the current economic crisis and class struggles in a theory of capitalist development.
혁명적 노동계급에 의한 자본주의에 대한 최초의 전 세계적인 공습은 독일과 러시아를 중심 으로 1917-1921년에 일어났다.
The past four decades of class warfare in which only one side, the capitalist class, was fighting—have come to an end.
J’ai pu aller à Madison pour la manifestation de masse dans le mouvement de mobilisation contre les coups portés par le gouverneur Scott Walker aux syndicats des salariés du secteur public
I managed to get to Madison, Wisconsin, for a mass demonstration in the ongoing mobilization against Governor Scott Walker’s assault on public employee unions.
The rise and recent fall of Andy Stern illustrates, as if through a glass darkly, that in this epoch there is nothing positive for the class as a whole to be achieved through the unions.
혁명적 노동계급에 의한 자본주의에 대한 최초의 전 세계적인 공습은 독일과 러시아를 중심
Die Insurgent Notes wollen diese Wiederaneignung vertiefen und sich an der theoretischen und praktischen Neuzusammensetzung für den nächsten – und hoffentlich letzten – globalen Angriff beteiligen.
Our task must be to articulate the full implications of that positive power which lies beyond the disorientation of today. We must show where that potential surfaces in micro-ways in the struggles of the present.
I spoke with Loren Goldner on Friday about the 77-day occupation of the Ssangyong automotive plant in Pyeongtaek, South Korea.
Fitch’s “In Defense of Washington and Wall Street”, while making some good points about the unraveling of the world financial system, is seriously flawed.
We must re-examine a profoundly reactionary ideology by which any force, no matter how retrograde, that turns a gun against a Western power becomes “progressive” and worthy of “critical” or “military” support, or for the less subtle, simply “support”.
PDF available for download.
PDF available for download.
Diese bedeutete für die 976 ArbeiterInnen, die die kleine Autofabrik am 22. Mai besetzt und sie gegen wiederholte, quasi-militärische Angriffe gehalten hatten, so viel wie eine vollständige Niederlage.
C’est une défaite pour les 976 ouvriers qui ont pris le 22 mai cette petite usine automobile et l’ont tenue contre des assauts quasi militaires répétés : l’accord signé par le syndic de faillite Park Young-tae et le président de la section locale du syndicat Han Sang-kyun représente en effet une défaite quasi-totale.
22 Mayıs’ta küçük otomobil fabrikasını ele geçiren ve fabrikayı sürekli tekrarlanan yarı-askeri saldırılara karşı savunan 976 işçi açısından, Ssangyong yöneticisi Park Young-tae ile yerel sendika başkanı Han Sang-kyun arasında imzalanan anlaşma, neredeyse tam bir yenilgiyi temsil ediyor.
Для 976 рабочих, которые заняли небольшой автомобильный завод 22-ого мая и удерживали его от постоянных квази-милитаристских атак, соглашение подписанное представителем дирекции завода Парком Йонгом и местным президентом профсоюза Ханом Санг-Куном стало почти тотальным поражением.
For the 976 workers who seized the small auto plant on May 22 and held it against repeated quasi-military assault, the settlement represented a near-total defeat.
A historical elaboration of the context in which a socialist and later specifically Marxist left arose in Japan, China and Korea.
PDF available for download.
The US is playing the Great Game II, as a strategy to keep the Eurasian powers off balance, and to preserve the ever-growing mass of nomad dollars from deflation and displacement.
![[Roman] Conjunctura: capitalismul mondial de la căderea sistemului Bretton Woods](http://bthp23.com/wp/wp-content/uploads/1976/07/image002.gif)
PDF available for download.
Marx’s materialism was no mere epistemological stance, but was in fact, as Engels later called it, “the germ of a new world outlook.”
我们不妨首先大致看看信贷和金融方面的总体状况以便获得一个总的概念。
PDF available for download.
PDF available for download.
PDF available for download.
Compagni, la storia ci ha offerto un’occasione che, se falliamo, non verrà più nel corso della nostra vita.
Comrades, history has offered us an opening which, if we fail, will not come again in our lifetimes.
PDF available for download.
Le strutture burocratiche residue dei sindacati democratici radicali dei primi anni ’90 sono ora definiti in modo beffardo come organizzazioni corporative dell’elite della classe lavoratrice, e si verificano molte lotte e contrasti contro il capitale ma anche tra lavoratori a tempo indeterminato e lavoratori precari.
Byrokratické pozůstatky radikálních demokratických odborů ze začátku 90. let jsou dnes zatracovanými korporativními organizacemi dělnické elity a mezi prekérní a stálou dělnickou třídou dochází k tolika bojům jako proti kapitálu samotnému.
Les vestiges bureaucratiques des syndicats démocratiques radicaux du début des années 90 ne sont plus aujourd’hui que des organisations corporatistes représentant cette élite de la classe ouvrière, et autant de luttes ont éclaté entre les travailleurs fixes et les travailleurs précarisés qu’entre l’ensemble des ouvriers et le capital lui-même.
The bureaucratic remnants of the radical democratic unions of the early 1990’s are today reviled corporative organizations of that working-class elite, and as many struggles take place between regular and casualized workers as against capital itself.
A talk with Loren Goldner on the current capitalist crisis.
A three-part interview in Seoul, South Korea, with militants of a small Korean Marxist group, SaNoShin, which is becoming increasingly influenced by left communist theory.
“Interview with independent writer and activist, Loren Goldner.
Ce qui suit vise à démontrer que loin d’être un concept « économique » vague, le capital fictif nous entraîne directement vers les questions politiques essentielles d’aujourd’hui, et par-dessus tout vers celles que doit affronter la gauche internationale.
Far from being a remote “economic” concept, fictitious capital leads us straight to the central political questions of today, and above all those questions confronting the international left.
PDF available for download.
PDF available for download.
In spite of Eastman’s sharp turn to the right, he managed in the 1950’s and 1960’s to write two volumes of memoirs that still capture, without cynicism, the great hopes of his youth.
PDF available for download.
PDF available for download.
The world is still in the early phase of an inflationary blow-out centered on the indebted “U.S. consumer” as the “locomotive” of the world economy.
PDF available for download.
This article aims to bring the rich Argentine experience of strategy and tactics to an international audience, to hopefully stimulate further discussion of its strengths and weaknesses.
PDF available for download.
The following is a “thought experiment” which attempts to see fictitious capital in relation to the end of capitalism.
PDF available for download.
China will emerge as a superpower or as “the” hegemon only through a bloody reshuffling of the capitalist deck, and not through the kind of “normal” development that achieved world hegemony for Britain after 1815.
PDF available for download
PDF available for download.
Over the last several years, a revolving network of militants in Paris, France, have developed a strategy and tactics for winning strikes by marginal, low-paid, outsourced and immigrant workers against international chains, in situations where the strikers are often ignored by unions to which they nominally belong, or are actually obstructed by them.
Joao Bernardo has to be one of the most prolific, and prodigious, radical theoreticians of the past 30 years, yet, because he writes in his native Portuguese and because very little of his work has been translated into English, he remains largely unknown in the world of Anglophone Marxism.
Remaining in his lofty (but admittedly indispensable) realm of abstraction, seemingly oblivious to the concrete history of the “real movement that abolishes existing conditions” as the force which drives the evolution of its inverted form, capital, Postone only gets it half right
Per quanto possa suonare incredibile, fin dagli ultimi ’50 il mondo dell’economia ha avuto a che fare con una “patata bollente” rappresentata dalla quantità in continua crescita di “dollari nomadi” (dollari conservati fuori degli USA) la cui reale conversione in ricchezza tangibile avrebbe precipitato il mondo in un disastro deflativo
Aussi incroyable que cela puisse paraître, même depuis la fin des années 50, l’économie mondiale a été ballottée autour de la patate chaude d’une masse toujours croissante de ” dollars nomades ” ( dollars détenus hors des USA) dont la conversion aujourd’hui en richesses tangibles plongerait le monde entier dans un crash déflationniste.
So unglaublich es klingen mag, aber seit dem Ende der 50er Jahre dreht sich die Weltwirtschaft um eine stetig wachsende Masse nomadisierender Dollars (die außerhalb der USA gehalten werden) wie um eine heiße Kartoffel.
Incredible as it may sound, ever since the late 1950’s, the world economy has been tossing around a “hot potato” of an ever-increasing mass of “nomad dollars” (dollars held outside the U.S.) whose actual conversion into tangible wealth would plunge the world into a deflationary crash.
In den letzten vierzig Jahren ist es einfacher geworden, einen scharfen Trennungsstrich zu ziehen zwischen den Werttheorien von Ricardo und Marx wie auch zwischen der Ricardoschen Politischen Ökonomie und Marx’ Kritik der Politischen Ökonomie.
In the past forty years, it has become easier to draw a sharp line between Ricardo’s and Marx’s theory of value. and between Ricardo’s economics and Marx’s critique of political economy.
PDF available for download.
Bourseiller’s book is the only one in existence, in any language, that attempts to treat the history of the ultra-left in its entirety.
PDF available for download.
What came to be known as the “Johnson-Forest tendency” of the Workers’ Party and the Socialist Workers’ Party in the U.S., was a tendency whose influence has rippled far beyond its original small forces within two American Trotskyist groups before, during and after World War II.
Le cronache degli organi di informazione sono state eclissate dal clamore degli oscar, ma domenica 29 febbraio, i lavoratori dei supermercati della California del Sud hanno votato a larga maggioranza , 86% , per sospendere il loro sciopero che durava da cinque mesi, accettando un contratto che equivale a una importante , se non totale, vittoria di una decisa offensiva padronale con implicazioni nazionali.
Zatímco byla média posedlá předáváním Oscarů, které zastínilo další události, odhlasovala si v neděli 29. února (86procentní) většina zaměstnanců a zaměstnankyň supermarketů v jižní Kalifornii ukončení své pětiměsíční stávky.
Die Medien berichteten am Sonntag, dem 29. Februar, aus Südkalifornien fast nur über die Oscar-Verleihung, aber am selben Tag stimmten dort die Beschäftigten im Einzelhandel zu 86 Prozent für den Abbruch ihres seit fünf Monaten laufenden Streiks und damit für die Annahme eines dreijährigen Tarifvertrags, der einen Durchbruch für die Arbeitgeber bedeutet.
La cérémonie de remise des oscars à Hollywood a attiré toute l’attention des médias, mais, le 29 février 2004, 86% des employés des supermarchés de Californie du Sud ont voté la fin d’une grève de cinq mois.
Southern California supermarket workers voted 86% to end their five-month old strike, accepting a contract that amounts to a serious, if not total, victory for a determined employer offensive with national implications.
Involontairement, Elbaum dans son livre “Revolution in the air” réussit à démontrer l’existence d’un progrès dans l’histoire humaine, qu’il verrait dans le déclin et la disparition de l’absurde “Tiers-Monde-marxiste-stalinien -maoïste” ,des groupes marxistes-léninistes et des idéologies qu’ils véhiculaient.
Немногие среди современных западных левых проявляют большой энтузиазм в защите Просвещения как такового.
Without exactly setting out to do so, Max Elbaum in his book Revolution In The Air, has managed to demonstrate the existence of progress in human history, namely in the decline and disappearance of the grotesque Stalinist- Maoist- ‘Third World Marxist” and Marxist-Leninist groups and ideologies he presents.
Fundamentální otázkou amerického kapitalismu je, aby po světě obíhala masa fiktivního kapitálu (nejbezprostředněji ztělesněná oněmi 2 bilióny dolarů vnějšího dluhu), která se utvářela celých těch 45 let dotované hegemonie dolaru, a umožnilo se tak zhodnocování tohoto kapitálu skrze extrakci adekvátního množství nadhodnoty.
Il problema fondamentale per il capitalismo americano è la massa di capitale fittizio circolante globalmente (direttamente incorporata nei 2 trilioni di dollari di debito esterno) che si è costituita in 45 anni di egemonia del dollaro, rendendo possibile la valorizzazione di quel capitale con l’estrazione di un proporzionato ammontare di surplus.
Das grundlegende Problem für den US-Kapitalismus besteht darin, die Masse an fiktivem Kapital (ziemlich eins zu eins verkörpert durch jene zwei Billionen Auslandsverschuldung) weltweit zirkulieren zu lassen, die sich über 45 Jahre subventionierte Vorherrschaft des Dollar aufgebaut haben.
Mais, on ne comprend plus rien alors au seul problème de l’économie et il est essentiel de regarder la “politique” dans la critique de l’économie politique pour tenter de voir jusqu’à quand les USA réussiront à faire payer au reste du monde leur déclin et leur crise.
The fundamental problem for U.S. capitalism is to globally circulate the mass of fictitious capital that has built up over 45 years of subsidized dollar hegemony, making possible that capital’s valorization by extracting an adequate amount of surplus value.
PDF available for download.
Conflits raciaux, expansion impériale et antagonismes de classe sont les trois éléments de la triade qui fonde la dynamique de l’histoire américaine.
A fundamental dynamic in American history involves the triad of race, imperial expansion, and class.
Rád bych zde dnes představil dvě části analýzy třídního boje ve Spojených státech. První část bude více historická a druhá bude o vývoji za posledních zhruba dvacet let.
What I would like to do here today, is to present two parts of an analysis of class struggle in the United States. The first part will be more historical and the second part will be about the developments of the last twenty years or so.
Nur wenige Begriffe aus dem Dritten Band von Marx’ Kapital beschreiben die heutige Welt so treffend wie der vom „fiktiven Kapital“.
Dans le volume III du Capital de Marx, peu de concepts sont aussi pertinents pour le monde actuel que celui du “ capital fictif ”.
Fictitious capital is the gap between total price and total value on a world scale.
The discussion between Loren Goldner and Aufheben is, in essence, about the role of fictitious capital in the crisis of capitalism but they disagree already about what fictitious capital actually is.
O “lewicowej” odpowiedzi na współczesny upadek społecznyRóża Luksemburg XXI wieku, badając sytuację w Stanach Zjednoczonych w ciągu dziesięcioleci po 1973 r., stwierdzi powszechny spadek stopy życiowej co najmniej 80 proc. ludności o około 20 proc.
The Portuguese Marxist and prolific writer Joao Bernardo remains virtually unknown in the Anglophone world, a situation hopefully to be remedied soon by an English translation of his three-volume masterpiece on the Middle Ages, Poder e Dinheiro.
En ces jours de guerre sans fin au Moyen Orient et de Kerry contre Bush et de la politique visible aux Etats-Unis réduits apparemment à une droite et à une extrême droite, ce livre nous donne une grande envie de prendre la porte et d’organiser la lutte.
In questi giorni contrassegnati da una guerra senza fine in Medio Oriente, dal duello Kerry-Bush, in cui negli USA gli uomini politici sembrano ridursi a quelli di un partito di destra o di estrema destra e il libro fa venirvoglia di correre fuori di casa e organizzarsi.
Gerade in einer Zeit wie heute, da im Nahen Osten Krieg geführt wird und die »Politik« in den USA auf eine rechte und eine extrem rechte Partei beschränkt scheint, versetzt mich das Buch in eine Stimmung, daß ich aus der Tür rennen könnte und anfangen zu organisieren.
In these days of war without end in the Middle East, and Kerry vs. Bush, and visible “politics” in the U.S. seemingly reduced to a right-wing party and a far-right party, the book gives me a high that makes me wants to run out the door and organize.
There will be expanded social reproduction in communism, focused once again on the “production for production’s sake”, not in the Ricardian sense of capitalist productivism but in the communist sense of creativity.
PDF available for download.
PDF available for download.
It is hardly a secret that the contemporary world is one of tremendous dislocation in which every advance of capital seems to entail, and require, a major retrogression of the human.
PDF available for download.
The following is a reply to the Aufheben Critique of Remaking of the American Working Class.
PDF available for download.
Na Čelem k realitě neshledávám nejzajímavější ani tak odpovědi, které nabízí, jako otázky, které klade. Tyto otázky se točí kolem dnešní úlohy revoluční marxistické strany.
What I find most interesting in Facing Realityis not so much the answers it offers as the questions it asks. Those questions revolve around the role of the revolutionary Marxist party today.
PDF available for download.
Nel momento in cui scrivo queste righe, fine ottobre 1998, l’ultima fase della crisi finanziaria mondiale sembra segnare una pausa.
![[Francais] La Classe Ouvriere Americaine: Restructuration du capital global, Recomposition du terrain de classe](http://bthp23.com/wp/wp-content/uploads/1981/07/image002.gif)
Since 1988, interest in the work of Amadeo Bordiga has only increased[1], and seems on its way to eclipsing (hopefully with happier results) the earlier 1960s/1970s fascination with Antonio Gramsci.
Οι ιδέες της εντυπωσιακής προσωπικότητας του Αμαντέο Μπορντίγκα κινήθηκαν, αναφορικά με το σύνολο σχεδόν της ευρωπαϊκής Αριστεράς, στο περιθώριο αυτής της συζήτησης.
I utkanterna av denna diskussion så fanns tankarna hos den fascinerande karaktären Amadeo Bordiga.
Joao Bernardo has to be one of the most prolific, and prodigious, radical theoreticians of the past 30 years, yet, because he writes in his native Portuguese and because very little of his work has been translated into English, he remains largely unknown in the world of Anglophone Marxism.
Coogan’s excellent book, starting from an obscure American fascist figure who has little currency in the far-right of his own country, takes us into the whole world of the international fascist revival since 1945.
It was 1971. We were in our early 20’s and we were mad.
Au moment où j’écris ces lignes, fin octobre 1998, la dernière phase de la crise financière mondiale semble marquer une pause.
PDF available for download.
Toutefois, malgré tous ces éléments de conscience “ inégale “, d’esprit de clocher ou simplement réactionnaires qu’il a pu révéler, on doit caractériser l’événement de Seattle comme une percée.
PDF available for download.
Despite all the elements of “uneven”, parochial or simply reactionary consciousness it may have contained, one has to characterize Seattle as a breakthrough.
The following is a translation of Chapter One of Alain Tizon and François Longchampt’s Votre Révolution nest pas la mienne.
PDF available for download.
Without any distinction between productive and unproductive labor, and without a serious look at the social reproduction of labor power, and without an awareness of how the vast inflow of foreign capital into the U.S. stock market skews figures for “American” firms, what can figures on “profits” mean?
Our experience over the past three decades in the U.S. has been conditioned and distorted by de-industrialization and the supposed triumph of the “post-industrial” “New Paradigm” economy associated with the computer, the Internet, e-commerce and so forth.
’invenzione occidentale dell’idea di razza nel XVII secolo, all’inizio L dell’illuminismo, non fu semplicemente uno svilimento dei popoli di colore a cui essa veniva applicata. Tale svilimento fu preceduto, e accompagnato, da un analogo svilimento della concezione dell’uomo all’interno della cultura occidentale stessa.
I am writing this in late October 1998 in what seems to be a pause in the latest phase of the world financial crisis.
PDF available for download.
Το άρθρο προέκυψε από μια διαμονή τεσσάρων εβδομάδων στην Ινδία το φθινόπωρο του 1997.
Kamunist Kranti stands out as one of the few, if not the only ultra-left current with a genuine, years-long working-class presence, not merely in the Third World, but in the world, period.
(Cet article est paru dans la revue Race Traitor n° 10, en 1998.) «L’animal s’identifie directement avec son activité vitale. Il ne se distingue pas d’elle. Il est cette activité. L’homme fait de son activité vitale elle-même l’objet de sa volonté et de sa conscience. Il a une activité vitale consciente. Ce n’est pas une […]
The Western invention of the idea of race in the 17th century, at the beginning of the Enlightenment, was not merely a degradation of the peoples of color to whom it was applied. Such a degradation had to be preceded, and accompanied, by a comparable degradation of the view of man within Western culture itself.
Ngo Van’s book is unique, as his life has been unique; his book is the first full account of the anti-colonial movement in Vietnam from 1920 to 1945, by someone who lived much of that period as a Trotskyist militant.
Première partie: Avant les Lumières: l’Espagne, les Juifs et les Indiens[1] On ne reconnaît pas souvent que le concept de race était inexistant avant les XVIlème et XVIllème siècles, période connue dans l’histoire occidentale sous le nom de siècle des Lumières. On admet encore moins souvent que ce concept de race, apparu durant […]
Komünizm, ne bir dünya reformcusunun kafasından çıkmış bir doktirn ne de siyasi bir örgütlenmedir. Marx’ın Manifesto’da söylediği gibi, komünizm “gözlerimizin önünde gelişen gerçek harekettir”.
KOMUNISMUS NEN’ ANI DOKTR’NOUpocházej’c’ z hlavy nějakŽho spasitele světa ani politickou organizac’. Je to, jak Marx řekl v Manifestu, “reálnŽ hnut’ odv’jej’c’ se před naûima očima.”
Communism is neither a doctrine sprung from the head of a world reformer, nor a political organization; it is, as Marx said in the Manifesto, “the real movement unfolding before our eyes”.
PDF available for download.
PDF available for download.
On ne reconnaît pas souvent que le concept de race était inexistant avant les XVIlème et XVIllème siècles, période connue dans l’histoire occidentale sous le nom de siècle des Lumières.
It is not often recognized that, prior to the 17th and 18th centuries, the period which Western history calls the Enlightenment, the concept of race did not exist.
La lucha de clases en la Baja Andalucia (Provincia de Cadiz) 1995-1996 Loren Goldner English | Francais | Espanol Trato en este art’culo de algunos episodios de la lucha de clases en la Baja Andaluc’a, mas concretamente, en la provincia de C‡diz durante el pasado a–o. Aunque tengan rasgos regionales espec’ficos, […]
LUTTE DE CLASSE DANS LA CAPITALE EUROPEENNE DU CHOMAGE: LA BASSE-ANDALOUSIE 1995-1996 Loren Goldner English | Francais | Espanol (Precis: Chantiers navals, Jisa, Puleva: trois grèves en Andalousie, la région européenne qui connaît le plus fort de chomage, après avoir été longtemps une terre d’émigration Comme dans le cadreplus général de […]
Although these struggles have specific regional characteristics, they actually fit a national and, above all, international pattern.
«Dans le mouvement de Böhme[1] à Bacon[2], il y a un grand pas en avant dans la précision et un aussi grand pas en arrière dans la sensibilité.» G.F.W. Hegel, Leçons sur l’histoire de la philosophie La gauche occidentale actuelle défend rarement avec beaucoup d’enthousiasme les Lumières. Et pour cause: leur héritage social est en […]
The Online World Is Also On Fire: How the Sixties Marginalized Literature in American Culture (and Why Literature Mainly Deserved It) Loren Goldner The real “sixties”, of course, (at least for white middle-class American youth) started in approximately 1964 with the Berkeley student revolt and, following hard on that, with the appearance of the hippie […]
However unpalatable it may be to do so in the contemporary climate, where the Enlightenment project is everywhere under attack by Nietzscheans, “cultural studies” ideologues, Christian, Jewish and Muslim fundamentalists, Foucaultians, Afrocentrists and (most) ecologists, it is necessary to discuss the limits of the Enlightenment in order to defend it, and to go beyond it.
Jean-Pierre Faye est, le plus souvent, resté en marge des modes intellectuelles parisiennes – attitude qui est plutôt à mettre à son actif. En 1972, son volumineux ouvrage sur les Langages totalitaires (dernière édition, 771 pages, Editions Hermann, 2004) est paru dans un climat fort peu réceptif. Ce travail tentait d’opérer l’exégèse des concepts clés […]
MOVIMENTO DOS TRABALHADORES PUBLICOS DA AREA DE BOSTON,1981-82 Entrevista com Scott McGuire English | Portugues P. -Porque você não começa falando sobre o folheto que vccê distribuiu? R.-Eu infelizmente não tenho mais uma copia dele.Mas havia três pontos essenciais no folheto original que nós distribuimos.Como a coisa começou foi que eu […]
¿MULTICULTURALISMO O CULTURA MUNDIAL? Acerca de una respuesta de «izquierda» ante la descomposición social contemporánea Loren Goldner English | Français | Italiano | Polski | Español (Nota de agosto de 2000: El siguiente artículo fue redactado en 1991 y se publicó en 1993, en formato un tanto […]
Multiculturalismo o cultura mondiale? Su una risposta di “sinistra” all’attuale declino sociale. di Loren Goldner (1991) English | Français | Italiano | Polski | Español Nota (agosto 2000): L’articolo che segue fu scritto nel 1991 e pubblicato in forma un po’ ridotta in Controcorrente, nel 1993. Il nuovo clima seguito ad […]
Multiculturalisme ou culture mondiale ? Sur une réponse de “gauche” au déclin social actuel par Loren Goldner English | Français | Italiano | Polski | Español Note (août 2000): L’article suivant a été écrit en 1991, et publié sous une forme un peu réduite dans Contre le courant, en […]
Die Nazis und die Dekonstruktion: Jean-Pierre Fayes Abriß von Derrida Loren Goldner, 1993 English | Italiano | Deutsch Großteils blieb Jean-Pierre Faye, und das gereicht ihm zur Ehre, am Rande der Pariser Mode. Der Vorgängerband des hier besprochenen Werks, der Wälzer Langages totalitaires[dt.: Totalitäre Sprachen] traf in seinem Erscheinungsjahr 1972 auf ein Klima, […]
Sections of French and, more recently, American academic discourse in the “human sciences” have been dominated for decades by a terminology originating not in Heidegger but first of all in the writings of Nazis.
I sat down my friend Scott McGuire in front of a tape recorder, and got him to tell me (again) the story of his involvement in the Boston public employees’ attempt to react to layoffs and cuts.
Loren Goldner y Raúl García Durán Poco podíamos pensar en este artículo hace 15 años, cuando la transición dependía del reconocimiento o no del PCE, y cuando el replanteamiento teórico que significaron las luchas de los 60 planteaba a buena parte de la izquierda, como principal tarea, la crítica al funcionamiento burocrático heredado del estalinismo. […]
Loren Goldner y Raúl García Durán Este artículo es la segunda parte del publicado en el número anterior. Puede ser leído independientemente pero es como concreción, ejemplo, del anterior como adquiere su valor. En resumen, para el lector que conozca la primera parte: fuerza de la socialdemocracia viene desu adaptación, correspondencia, con el paso de […]
Wir sind allzu gut vertraut mit einer Welt, in der die geradlinige Anwendung von Mikro-Rationalität sehr gut mit Makro-Barbarei zusammenpasst.
We know all too well a world in which the linear application of micro-rationality is quite compatible with macro-barbarism.
Voorwoord tot de Zweedse editie (2002) van Communisme is de materiële menselijke gemeenschap: Amadeo Bordiga in onze tijd De kern van de onderstaande tekst is geschreven in 1988, nog voor de instorting van het Sovjetblok, en is daarna licht aangepast voor de eerste Engelse publicatie (1991) om te zorgen dat notie gegeven werd van de […]
Bordiga foi o último revolucionário ocidental a dizer na cara de Stálin que ele havia sido o coveiro da revolução e viver para contar a história.
스딸린의면전에서그를러시아혁명의무덤파는이라고말하고(1926년)그이야기를하기위해살았던최후의서구혁명가였다.
Бордига, первый генсек Компартии Италии (КПИ) и ее важнейший создатель, был последним революционером, сказавшим Сталину в лицо, что тот – могильщик революции (в 1926 г.), и уцелевший.
Bordiga posledním západním revolucionářem, který vynadal Stalinovi do tváře (v roce 1926), že je hrobařem revoluce a přežil, aby tento příběh mohl vypravovat.
Bordiga fu l’ultimo rivoluzionano occidentale che definì Stalin ‘becchino della rivoluzione’ (1926) potendo poi vivere continuando a sostenere questa tesi.
Bordiga fut en 1926, a’ Moscou, le dernier revolutionnaire occidental qui osa tenir tete à Staline en sa présence, le dénonca comme fossoyeur de la revolution, et put en outre en revenir vivant.
Bordiga war der letzte westliche Revolutionär, der Stalin (1926) ins Gesicht sagte, er sei der Totengräber der Revolution, und das überlebte.
Bordiga was the last Western revolutionary who told off Stalin to his face as the gravedigger of the revolution, and lived to tell the tale. He is one of the most original, brilliant and utterly neglected Marxists of the century.
A critique of the Eurocentric conservatives and of the multiculturalists from the vantage point of an emerging WORLD culture.
El movimiento obrero polaco abrió una brecha irreparable en la dominación totalitaria estalinista, no en nombre de Marx o de Rosa Luxemburgo, sino con la bendición del Papa, del gobierno estadounidense, del Fondo Monetario Internacional y de la escuela económica de Milton Friedman.
The Polish workers’ movement opened an irreparable breach in Stalinist totalitarian rule, not in the name of Marx or Luxemburg, but with the blessings of the Pope, the U.S. government, the International Monetary Fund and the Friedmanite school of economics.
Zukin may have written the first book connecting post-modernism to de-industrialization and economic austerity.
Die Frage nach der Bedeutung der Universalität, die von ihren Gegnern als “weiß/männlich” oder als “eurozentrisch´ oder als ªherrschender Diskurs´ angegriffen wird, steht heute im Mittelpunkt der ideologischen Debatte.
The question of the status of universality, whether attacked by its opponents as “white male”, or “Eurocentric”, or a “master discourse”, is today at the center of the current ideological debate
In 1848 and 1968, when working- class upsurges exploded in Europe under the slogans of “socialism” and “communism”, American working-class containment in the Democratic Party was exploded by the race question. This is the key to the Americanization of Marxism.
Review: A Critique of Kim Moody’s An Injury to All by Loren Goldner (The following originally appeared as a book review in ‘z’ magazine, 1989) Kim Moody has written an important book, which should, and will, be read and discussed by anyone interested in the past, present and future of the modern American working class. […]
There are few important currents in the history of the 20th century which are not influenced by an ideological oscillation between Marxian revolution and the ‘”conservative revolution” as it was conceived at the end of the nineteenth century.
An imposing biography of the “organizer of victory” of the October Revolution.
Twenty years ago, the problematic at the core of Josef Chytry’s The Aesthetic State occupied center stage.
At its most basic level, a history and analysis of the battle between two concepts of modern urbanism, which Rabinow characterizes as “tech no-cosmopolitanism” and “middling modernism.”
ΣΗΜΕΙΩΣΕΙΣ Σύμφωνα με την πολιτική φιλοσοφία του Χέγκελ, το αυθεντικό κράτος αποτελεί πραγμάτωση του Ορθού Λόγου, δηλαδή της ελευθερίας. Ως τέτοιο το κράτος είναι η οργανωμένη καθολικότητα ενός λαού. Υπό καθεστώς συνταγματικής μοναρχίας ο μονάρχης προσωποποιεί την ηθική ορθολογικότητα του κράτους, εκφράζοντας την ενιαία βούληση του κράτους, το οποίο συναρθρώνει την λαϊκή κυριαρχία με την […]
Λόρεν Γκόλντνερ ΣΥΝΤΟΜΗ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΓΚΟΣΜΙΟΥ ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΟΥ ΚΙΝΗΜΑΤΟΣ ΑΠΟ ΤΟΝ ΛΑΣΣΑΛ ΕΩΣ ΤΟΝ ΝΕΟΦΙΛΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΙΣΜΟ. Η ΠΑΡΑΜΟΡΦΩΤΙΚΗ ΗΓΕΜΟΝΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΑΝΤΙΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΙΚΗΣ ΜΕΣΑΙΑΣ ΤΑΞΗΣ Εισαγωγικό σημείωμα: Η κάτωθι εργασία είναι ένα είδος «νοητικού πειράματος» που επιχειρεί να ανιχνεύσει την σταδιοδρομία και την επίδραση του «ανθρώπου της άρνησης», τον οποίον ουσιαστικώς περιέγραψε θεωρητικώς ο Χέγκελ ως τον «Πρώσο μονάρχη» […]
El siguiente ensayo es una especie de «experimento intelectual» que trata de seguir la trayectoria y calibrar el impacto del «hombre de la negación».
Následující esej je jakýmsi ”myšlenkovým experimentem” pokoušejícím se vystopovat kariéru a dopad ”člověka negace.”
A kind of “thought experiment”, attempting to trace the career and impact of the “man of negation.”
At the approach of the 20th anniversary of the longest wildcat general strike in history, the press, publishers, and the media in France have geared up for the ultimate in “la mode retro.”
Kolko’s book is not so much “economics” as contemporary economic history, an attempt to explain the new realities that have emerged out of the present crisis.
PDF available for download.
Je fais l’hypothèse que la clé permettant de comprendre l’essor et la chute de la tradition socialiste européenne continentale est la question agraire ; elle permet de comprendre aussi l’absence d’impact sérieux de cette tradition en Amerique, car l’agriculture américaine a toujours été capitaliste.
The agrarian question is the key to the understanding of the rise and fall of the continental European socialist tradition, and that the failure of that tradition to make a serious impact in America is a reflection of the fact that American agriculture–with the important exception of the South prior to 1865–was always capitalist.
There is a disconcerting link between certain currents of ecological politics in Germany, the “New Age” ideologies these currents espouse, and their explicit or implicit connection to the politics of the extreme right.
An effort to show the very real historical and political conjuncture in which Nietzsche became Nietzsche, a context all but forgotten and dismissed as trivial in most of the contemporary discussion.
The translation of Ernst Bloch’s major work Principle of Hope into English constitutes an event in its own right in the consolidation of a serious Marxist current in the English speaking world.
Part of a growing body of serious social histories of culture that address the issues raised by theory in the only terrain where they can be settled: the social, economic, political, and cultural totalities that throw them up in the first place.
1900-45년 미국에서 노동계급 정당의 미형성에 관하여 Loren Goldner (우리의 임무는) …… 필연적으로 최근의 봉기를 낳았으며 동시에 그것을 패배로 이끈 원인들을 찾는 것, 몇몇 지도자들의 우연적인 노력, 재능, 개인적 결점, 과오, 또는 배신에서 찾는 것이 아니라 혁명적 선동에 영향을 받은 나라들 각각의 일반적인 사회 상황과 존재 조건에서 찾을 수 있는 원인들을 찾는 것이다.
In the U.S., in contrast to all other major capitalist countries, capitalism made the transition to the intensive phase of accumulation without requiring the participation of a working-class political party in the state.
Il suo obiettivo fondamentale è provare l’esistenza di linee di correlazione tra “cultura” e “natura” e pone come possibile una teoria unitaria che le comprenda entrambe.
Su objetivo fundamental es cuestionar las fronteras actualmente existentes entre “cultura” y “naturaleza” y proponer una posible teoría unitaria que abarque a ambas.
Aims to question the currently existing lines between “culture” and “nature,” and to posit a possible unitary theory encompassing both.
2002 Note: The following was the self-introduction of the sole issue of the journal Strategy, which appeared, and disappeared, in the spring of 1977, with little fanfare. Though I would write it rather differently today, I think its basic point–the difference between a Marxist conjunctural perspective and the typical left-wing politics of populist resentment–remains entirely valid. […]
